The Pivotal Role of Indigenous Peoples and Local Communities in Biodiversity Conservation



A social outcomes ladder of 6 types of roles of Indigenous Peoples and local communities in conservation governance, based on synthesis of 648 empirical studies.


As global biodiversity continues to face threats from various fronts, the role of Indigenous peoples (IPs) and local communities (LCs) has never been more crucial. A recent study published in One Earth underscores the need for an equitable governance approach that recognizes and empowers these groups, offering sustainable and effective solutions to conservation challenges. Let’s look at transformative roles that IPs and LCs can play in biodiversity conservation, in alignment with the Global Biodiversity Framework targets.

Understanding the Global Biodiversity Framework

The Global Biodiversity Framework, established during the Kunming-Montreal conference, sets ambitious targets to safeguard the planet’s biological resources. A key target within this framework is the conservation of 30% of land and sea areas by 2030 through equitably governed systems. This goal emphasizes the importance of recognizing diverse values, ensuring rights to ancestral territories, upholding cultural practices, and involving all relevant actors in decision-making processes to achieve effective conservation outcomes.

Empirical Evidence and Ecological Outcomes

A comprehensive review of 648 empirical studies reveals that conservation initiatives where IPs and LCs have equal partnership or primary control lead to more positive ecological outcomes. This evidence strongly supports a governance model that respects and integrates the knowledge systems and customary practices of IPs and LCs, enhancing biodiversity conservation’s effectiveness and sustainability.

The Changing Paradigm of Conservation Governance

Traditional conservation methods often overlooked the intrinsic value and knowledge of IPs and LCs, limiting their roles to mere participants. However, a shift towards equitable governance is gaining momentum, where these communities are not only participants but leaders with significant control and recognition of their traditional values and institutions. This approach is proving essential for the ecological success of conservation efforts.

Roles of IPs and LCs in Governance

The typology of roles that IPs and LCs can assume in conservation governance ranges from excluded to autonomous.

The typology structure includes six distinct roles that reflect varying levels of participation, influence, and control:

  1. Excluded: IPs and LCs have no participation or benefits.

  2. Consultees: Minimal influence despite receiving some information or benefits.

  3. Stakeholders: Some ability to influence decisions but limited control.

  4. Partners: Equal partners or co-managers, sharing power in conservation efforts.

  5. Primary Control: Primary authority with respected leadership and rights, though not fully autonomous.

  6. Autonomous: Full autonomy with their knowledge and institutions fully recognized.

Each role on this spectrum provides insights into how different levels of involvement and control impact conservation outcomes. The findings advocate for policies that elevate IPs and LCs from mere stakeholders to leaders, recognizing their capability to manage and conserve natural resources effectively.

Overview of Intervention Types in Conservation Initiatives

Theories about involvement in conservation management suggest that decision-making is a complex process that includes many participants from different levels, all with their own interests and levels of power. The types of interventions identified in the reviewed cases include:

  • Protected and Conserved Areas (67.9%): Most common, focusing on designated areas for biodiversity preservation.

  • Livelihood Projects or Tourism Ventures (56.9%): Projects supporting sustainable livelihoods or integrating conservation with tourism.

  • Species Protection or Sustainable Use Regulations (53.9%): Efforts focused on specific species protection or sustainable resource use.

  • Local or Indigenous Stewardship (36.7%): Direct management or major influence by IPs and LCs in conservation efforts.

  • Ecosystem Restoration (15.7%): Initiatives aimed at restoring ecosystems to their natural states.

  • Incentives, Compensation, Revenue Sharing, or Market Instruments (13.6%): Economic tools to promote conservation.

  • Education and Capacity Building (10.6%): Focus on educating IPs and LCs and building their capacity for conservation.

This complexity means we need to carefully analyze how much influence different participants have at various stages of the conservation efforts. Instead of using simple measures like how often IPs and LCs attend meetings or their personal views on conservation, we should look more deeply at how meaningful their participation is and how the conservation processes are governed. This detailed examination will help us better understand the true role of IPs and LCs in making conservation decisions.

Statistical Analysis and Policy Implications

Statistical analyses corroborate that higher degrees of control and participation by IPs and LCs correlate with favorable ecological and social outcomes. These outcomes not only emphasize the need for a policy shift towards more inclusive governance but also highlight the importance of IPs and LCs in achieving the targets set by the Global Biodiversity Framework. The study suggests that empowering IPs and LCs is not just beneficial but necessary for the long-term success of global biodiversity conservation.

Summing Up

The pivotal role of IPs and LCs in biodiversity conservation is clear. By transitioning to governance models that provide full recognition and control to these communities, conservation efforts can be significantly more effective and equitable. It’s time for conservation policies and practices to reflect this reality, ensuring that IPs and LCs are at the forefront of the decision-making processes, thus safeguarding biodiversity for future generations.


Source: Dawson, N. M., Coolsaet, B., Bhardwaj, A., Booker, F., Brown, D., Lliso, B., Loos, J., Martin, A., Oliva, M., Pascual, U., Sherpa, P., & Worsdell, T. (2024). Is it just conservation? A typology of Indigenous peoples’ and local communities’ roles in conserving biodiversity. One Earth.

Amazon deforestation hit record high in February—up 62% from 2021

This absurd increase shows the lack of policies to combat deforestation and environmental crimes in the Amazon, driven by the current administration. … The destruction just isn’t stopping.

—Romulo Batista, Greenpeace Brazil

By Jenna McGuire, Common Dreams (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0).

Deforestation in the Brazilian Amazon reached a record high for the month of February, jumping by nearly two-thirds over last February’s level, according to official data released Friday.

Satellite images released by the Brazilian space agency INPE’s DETER monitoring program show 199 square kilometers (77 square miles) of the Amazon rainforest was lost to deforestation last month—the highest rate recorded in February since the agency began keeping records in 2015 and a 62% increase from last year during the same month.

Environmentalists find the data particularly alarming since February is considered the rainy season in the Amazon and generally sees the lowest rates of deforestation throughout the year.

As Indigenous communities and global environmentalists have been sounding the alarm on the imperiled rainforest, deforestation has skyrocketed under Brazil’s right-wing President Jair Bolsonaro. While the Amazon covers land in nine countries, approximately 60% of the forest lies in Brazil, which has reached its highest level of deforestation in more than a decade.

“This absurd increase shows the lack of policies to combat deforestation and environmental crimes in the Amazon, driven by the current administration. The destruction just isn’t stopping,” said Romulo Batista of Greenpeace Brazil in a statement.

Deforestation is predominantly caused by animal agriculture, soy production, logging, mining, and major construction, and has greatly impacted the nearly one million Indigenous people from over 300 tribes who live in the Brazilian Amazon.

“We are going to be eating the rainforest in our burgers,” Holly Gibbs, a land use scientist at the University of Wisconsin at Madison, told the Washington Post. “This is our moment as Americans to step forward and leverage some pressure to save the world, by helping to save the Amazon, which is critically important for the future of our planet.”

Research published this week in the journal Nature Climate Change found that the world’s largest rainforest was quickly reaching its “tipping point” and that the Amazon “has been losing resilience since the early 2000s, risking dieback with profound implications for biodiversity, carbon storage, and climate change at a global scale.”

Why aren’t countries reporting environmental defender killings?

Photo by Andy Lee on Unsplash
Photo by Andy Lee on Unsplash

By Carole Excell and Eva Hershaw, World Resources Institute (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0).

It’s been nearly 10 years since Chut Wutty, an environmental investigator and activist from Cambodia, was murdered while trying to halt an illegal logging operation.

His death prompted widespread indignation and inspired the civil society organization Global Witness to begin documenting the killing of land and environmental defenders worldwide. This led to the publication of “Deadly Environment,” in 2014, a landmark report that would become an annual account of killings against such activists worldwide. In its first report, Global Witness noted that killings were “notoriously under-reported” by governments.

A year later, in 2015, the question was taken up by the United Nations, which adopted Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 16 to achieve peace, justice and transparent institutions. The framework included a specific benchmark — indicator 16.10.1 — calling on countries to monitor killings of all human rights defenders and protect them.

But in the six years since the SDGs were approved, violence perpetrated against human rights defenders, specifically land and environmental defenders, has continued unabated. In fact, despite growing international attention, the overwhelming majority of governments have failed to take meaningful steps to better protect them.

Governments aren’t tracking and reporting violence against environmental defenders

For years, land and environmental defenders have served as our first line of defense against the destruction of vital natural resources, livelihoods and territories that have mitigated an impending climate disaster. They have exercised their fundamental rights to challenge companies, governments and private actors who have driven destruction of the water, land, biodiversity and climate on which we all depend.

Their crucial contribution has made environmental activists an unequalled target for violence, yet states have failed to monitor their situation in a meaningful and systematic way.

The recent Crucial Gap report, released by the Alliance for Land Indigenous and Environmental Defenders (ALLIED coalition), of which WRI is a member, details the concerning extent to which official data on land and environmental defenders is missing.

Since 2015, only 14 countries* have reported any cases of violence against human rights defenders to the U.N., whether through Voluntary National Reviews — progress reports, presented by states at the High Level Political Forum — or other mechanisms. Of the 162 countries that submitted Voluntary National Reviews since 2015, just three countries — Central African Republic, Nigeria, and Palestine, fewer than 2% — indicated that at least one human rights defender had been killed or attacked. Seven countries reported no cases of violence, while 94% of countries did not report at all.

The low numbers presented by governments at the High Level Political Forum comes in stark contrast to the widespread violence against these defenders, well documented by civil society groups and non-profits. In its recently published report, Last Line of Defence, Global Witness reported 227 land and environmental defenders murdered in 2020 alone, the highest number of lethal attacks ever recorded. Front Line Defenders, reporting cases from the Human Rights Defenders Memorial, noted that 331 human rights defenders, including land and environmental defenders, were killed during the same period.

The U.N. has also recognized the extent of violence beyond that reported by governments. In his 2020 SDG Progress Report, the Secretary-General stated that the U.N. had verified at least 1,940 killings of defenders from 81 between 2015 and 2019 — cases that largely came from civil society reporting. The dataset published by the U.N. remains limited to killings (and enforced disappearances) of human rights defenders by region and sex. The agency does not release country-level data, nor specific figures for land and environmental defenders, ethnicity or affiliation with indigenous groups.  

For years, civil society has been working to cover this crucial reporting gap, but they cannot stand in for the state. Ultimately, it is the government that bears the responsibility for guaranteeing fundamental rights to all citizens, protecting them from harm, and upholding binding commitments made in regional and global human rights mechanisms.

Photo by Luis Poletti on Unsplash
Photo by Luis Poletti on Unsplash

How to better document violence against environmental defenders

There are, however, some glimmers of hope.

A small number of national human rights institutes and government agencies — in cooperation with national statistical offices, and the U.N.’s Human Rights Office (OHCHR) — are working to bolster national-level data collection, further encouraged by the Global Action Plan set forth by the Global Alliance of National Human Rights Institutes. The U.N. is supporting this work in many countries, but progress remains limited.

In the meantime, civil society continues to organize their data collection and explore ways to further support the construction of better national datasets. The ALLIED Data Working Group represents a number of these organizations, such as CEMDA in Mexico, ANGOC’ in Indonesia, UDEFEGUA in Guatemala and CINEP in Colombia, though many others could be mentioned.

Such monitoring initiatives have been central to efforts to protect activists in many countries, but this is ultimately an obligation that must be assumed by the state to fulfil their SDG requirements. Unless they commit to monitoring violence against human rights defenders, states will continue to fail to understand the root causes of such violence and will not be able to build the evidence-based policies needed to prevent further violence.  

Among its findings, the Crucial Gap report recommends five specific actions, relevant to state and intergovernmental bodies, and to data collectors broadly:

  1. States must develop and sustain mechanisms that collect and report data on attacks on environmental and human rights defenders.

  2. States should develop and support national human rights institutes to be independent, authoritative monitoring bodies of attacks.

  3. States and reporting agencies must recognize and protect the important role played by civil society data collectors, providing for their meaningful participation in monitoring processes and acknowledging their contributions, as well as the risk they incur for the work they do.

  4. Reporting bodies — including National Human Rights Institutes, custodian agencies, treaty bodies, and other data collectors — must make the work of particularly vulnerable groups, including land, environmental and indigenous human rights defenders, more visible.

  5. The international community must work towards a global, harmonized database of attacks and killings to capture the verified cases violence against land and environmental activists (and human rights defenders, more broadly), building on the work of ALLIED and others.

In order to better protect land and environmental defenders and to build policies that foster an enabling environment, the state — not civil society alone — must be monitoring, reporting on and ultimately responding to their situation. In many cases, we see government discrediting civil society monitoring work while they fail to protect defenders themselves.

Until national governments commit resources to build monitoring capacity and develop mechanisms to document violence against defenders, the message sent to civil society and the global community will be the same: that stopping violence against activists is not a priority and, as a result, it’s not monitored.

Without a state-led commitment to stop this violence, such attacks will continue.

In the nearly 10 years since Chut Wutty died, thousands of defenders across the world have lost their lives in defense of the land, environment and indigenous territories. It is time for governments to step up, assume their responsibilities, and in the next 10 years, do a better job of defending their defenders.

Endnote:

*Four additional countries – Colombia, Kenya, Mexico and the Philippines – reported data directly to OHCHR, the custodian of indicator 16.10.1.